Historical Reference |
Hulagu and Baghdad |
Hulagu and BaghdadFrom the Mongols of Persia. By Henry H. Howorth"Let us now turn more directly to Hulagu's own doings. Of the principal commissions he had received from his brother he had amply fulfilled one, viz., the crushing of the Ishmaelites, and he now turned to accomplish the other—the destruction of the Caliph. Matters were going on badly at Baghdad. In the autumn of 1256 a terrible downfall of rain had flooded the town and submerged many of the houses, while one-half of Irak remained untilled. The Caliph Al-Musta'sim was a weak prince, and passed his life in debauchery—musicians, dancers, tumblers, &c., being his chief companions. His arrogance was a match for his imbecility. The princes who went to Baghdad to do homage were not admitted to his presence. They had to be content with holding to their lips a piece of black silk, representing the lappet of the Caliphs gown, which was suspended at the palace gate, and to kiss a stone placed on the threshold, like the pilgrims to Mecca, who similarly kissed the black stone and the veil of the Kaaba. When he sallied forth on horseback on solemn occasions his face was covered with a black veil.* The great vassals who formerly received investiture at his hands were the Sultans of Egypt and Rum, the Atabegs of Fars and Kerman, the Princes of Erbil, Mosul, &c.; but the chiefs of Rum, Pars, and Kerman were at this time feudatories of the Mongols. The Caliph's principal officers were Suliman Shah, the generalissimo of his army, which was said to consist of 60,000 cavalry; the Great Dawadar, or chancellor, the Dawadar i Kuchuk, or Little Dawadar, i.e., the vice-chancellor, the Sharabi, or cupbearer, and the Vizier, Muayad ud din Muhammad, son of Abdul Malik el Alkamiyi. The Caliph's most trusted officer was the Little Dawadar, Eibeg, who, notwithstanding, plotted with some of the principal people to dethrone him In favor of some other prince of the house of Abbas. The Vizier having heard of this reported it to his master, who was infatuated by Eibeg and told him what he had heard, and said he should not credit the accusations. Although the Dawadar Eibeg continued his intrigues, he wrote a memoir in his own hand, declaring all the accusations against him to be calumnies. This was publicly proclaimed in the streets, and the Dawadar's name was inserted in the khutbeh, or Friday prayer, directly after the Caliph Eibeg, in his turn, charged the Vizier with having secret negotiations with the Mongols. This charge had some truth in it, and Wassaf distinctly states that he sent his submission to Hulagu, and invited him to invade the country.} Abulfeda, Wassaf, and others tell us why he was dissatisfied. They say that the village of Karkh, near Baghdad, was occupied almost entirely by Moslems, of the sect Ranefi (i.e., Shias), between whom and the Sunni there arose a dissension, whereupon the Baghdad troops, under the command of Abu-Bakr, the Caliph's son, and Rukn-al-din, the Dawadar, proceeded to ill-use the Ranefitis shamefully, to drag their women out of their harems, and to carry them on their horses' cruppers with their faces and feet bare in the public streets. The Vizier, who belonged to this sect, was outraged, and sent a letter to the Sayid Taj ud din Muhammad, Ibn Nasir el Hoseini, the rais of Hillah, a famous seat of Shia influence, complaining, inter alia, that Karkh had been plundered, that the sons of the house of Ali had been robbed, the people of the stock of Hashim made prisoners, and the dishonor which had formerly been put upon Hussein, the grandson of the Prophet in the plundering of his harem, and the accompanying bloodshedding, had been renewed. The Sayid replied in the names of all the relatives of the Prophet: "The heretics must be put to death and destroyed, and their race be uprooted. If you will not side with us you will be lost You will be despised in Baghdad, as henna, which delights women, is despised by rough men, and as a ring is despised by him who has had his hand cut off." Hulagu at this time had captured the Ismaelite fortress of Alamut, and the Vizier wrote to him pointing out the weakness of Baghdad, and inviting him to march thither. Hulagu was naturally a little anxious about a struggle with a power so formidable as that of the Caliph, whose troops had already twice defeated the Mongols, and he consulted Husam ud din, an astrologer, who had accompanied him at the instance of the Khakan. He was apparently a Mussulman (friendly to the Abbasid dynasty), and foretold that an expedition against Baghdad and the House of Abbas would be followed by six grave events : (i) all the horses would die, and the soldiers be attacked with pestilence ; (2) the sun would not rise; (3) rain would not fall; (4); there would be violent hurricanes and earthquakes ; (5) plants would cease to grow; (6) the Emperor would die during the year. Hulagu insisted on the astrologer putting these lugubrious prophecies down in writing. On the other hand, the Mongol bakshis and the Amirs declared that the expedition would have a fortunate issue, an opinion also propounded by the famous astronomer, the Hoja Nasir ud din, of Tus, who was a Shia. He had a personal grievance against the Caliph and also against the Vizier. It seems that on one occasion he sent the Caliph one of his poems, on the back of which the Vizier wrote a note addressed to Nasir ud din the Mohteshim, in which he sneeringly said that the composer had the knack of putting into his letters and writings the thoughts of other people, a jibe which was highly resented by Nasir ud din, who was the most learned man of his time. Elsewhere Von Hammer gives a different version of this, and says that while Al-Musta'sim was one day sitting by the Tigris, Nasir ud din took him a poem, in which he expressed his devotion. Instead of rewarding him the Caliph, in consequence of a sharp criticism of the Vizier's, had it thrown into the Tigris. He thereupon left Baghdad in a rage and went to Sertakht, to the Ismaelites. Meanwhile things were going badly at Baghdad. The Vizier, probably in preparation for his intended treason, persuaded the Caliph to reduce his army, urging that with so many powerful princes as his vassals, he had no need of such a large force, which continually drained his resources. He urged also that with the money thus saved he might buy off the invaders for a while, and persuaded him to reduce his army from 100,000 to 20,000. Meanwhile earthquakes and some terrible fires desolated the country. These were apparently caused by lightning. One of them laid waste the district of Kara, near Medina, over a district of four parasangs. Medina itself was burnt, and afterwards plundered by the Arabs. In this last fire its famous library perished. “Thus," says Von Hammer, “there were destroyed in one year two of the most famous libraries in the East, that at Alamut and that at Medina." Hulagu having determined to crush' the Caliph, now sent him a summons from Hamadan couched in haughty phrases. He began by denouncing him for not having assisted the Mongols in their campaign against the Ismaelites ; reminded him of the success which had attended the armies of the Mongols from the time of Genghis Khan, and how the Khwarizm Shahs, the Seljuk, the rulers of Dilem, the Atabegs, and others had all succumbed, all of whom had been masters of Baghdad. Why should its gates be closed to him? He warned him not to strike with his fist against an iron spike, nor to mistake the sun for a taper, and bade him dismantle the fortifications of Baghdad, to leave his son in charge there, and go to him in person, or, at least, send the Vizier, Suliman Shah, and the Dawadar to confer with him. In that case he should preserve his dominions; if not, the Mongols would march on Baghdad; and where would he hide in the heavens or the depths of the earth ?t The Caliph received the envoys with courtesy, and sent back Sherif ud din ibn Duzy, or Juzy, an eloquent person, Bedr ud din Muhammad, and Zanghi Nakhjivani, who was probably an Armenian, with his reply, which was by no means a cringing one:—
This is apparently the message reported by Guirago in somewhat different terms. He says the Caliph was very arrogant, styled himself Jahangir, master of the sea and land ; boasted that he possessed the standard of Muhammad, and if he set it in motion he and all the universe would perish. "You are only a dog and a Turk, why should I pay you tribute or obey you ?" Hardly were the envoys outside the walls of Baghdad when they were attacked by the fanatical mob, who tore their clothes, spat in their faces, and would have killed them if the Vizier had not sent some people to rescue them. Hulagu, who was at Panj Angusht (the five fingers), on hearing of this declared that the Caliph was as crooked as a bow, but he would make him as straight as an arrow; and sent back his envoys with the message that God had given the empire of the world to the descendants of Genghis Khan, and as their master refused to obey there was nothing for it but that he must prepare for war. Meanwhile the Caliph was perplexed by the varying counsel of his Ministers. While the Vizier advised him to propitiate the Mongols by rich presents, including 1,000 Arab horses, 1,000 camels, and 1,000 asses, laden with treasure and richly caparisoned, and by offering to have the khutbeh said, and money coined in Hulagu's name, his rival, the Dawadar, bade him rely on his army, and on the assistance of the faithful. The latter at length prevailed. He and his supporters professed great contempt for Al-Musta'sim, whom they accused of being fond of musicians and buffoons, and of being unfriendly to the army. The amirs complained that they had lost everything in his reign which they had acquired in his father's, and their chief, Suliman Shah, spoke out bravely that if troops were only summoned from the various provinces and he was put at the head of them, he thought he could break the Mongol army, and even, if beaten, it was well for a brave man to perish with glory and honor in the midst of the fight.§ The Caliph approved of these words, ordered largess to be distributed to the soldiers, and told the Vizier to give the command over them to Suliman Shah. The Vizier prepared to carry out these orders, but only in a languid fashion, which strengthened the suspicion that he was in league with the Mongols, a view which the Dawadar widely proclaimed. The Caliph's avarice prevented sufficient money being spent, and it was five months before the troops were ready. He now dispatched Bedr ud din Diriki and the Kadhi of Bindinjan, a town of Kurdistan, with a fresh mission to Hulagu to remind him of the fate of many who had formerly attacked the sacred Abbassidan House. "How Yakoub ibn Leila, of the family of Saffar, had died while on his way to attack Baghdad. How his brother, Amru, who had the same intention, was captured by Ismail ibn Ahmed, the Samanid, who sent him in chains to Baghdad. How Besasiri had marched from Egypt with a large army and had captured the Caliph and kept him prisoner at Hadithah, and for two years the khutbeh had been said and the money struck at Baghdad in the name of Mostansir, the Ismaelite Caliph of Egypt; and how then Besasiri was attacked and put to death by Tughrul Belt, the Seljuk. How the latter successor, Muhammad, had to retreat after his venture on Baghdad, and died on the way ; and, lastly, how the Khwarizm Shah Muhammad, who had determined to uproot the family of Abbas, had been almost overwhelmed in the defile of Asadabad by a storm, in which he lost most of his troops, and was forced to retire, and how he had ended his days miserably in the Isle of Abisgum, chased thither by the Mongols."The envoys concluded by reminding Hulagu that he had no cause of quarrel with the Caliph, and bidding him take warning. This portentous retrospect only aroused the anger of Hulagu, who is said to have quoted in reply some lines from the great Persian epos, the Shah Nameh: Build about yourself a town and a
rampart of Iron; Hulagu knew it was a serious matter to assail a town so renowned as Baghdad, and he took precautions accordingly. Hearing that Husam ud din Akah—who on behalf of the Caliph commanded at Daritang (the narrow defile), a fortress commanding the main route from Hamadan to Baghdad, and the key to Irak Arabi—was dissatisfied, he summoned him to his presence. Leaving his son Said in the town, which was famous for its beauty and strength,! he obeyed. Hulagu received him well, and gave him as an appanage the castles of Warudah, Merj, &c.§ He proceeded to occupy these fortresses. Having collected a considerable force about him, he seems to have repented of his treachery, and communicated with the Caliph through Taj ud din Ibn Salayeh, of the family of Ali, who governed the town of Erbil, offering to raise an army of 100,000 Kurds and Turkmen, with which to overwhelm the invaders. His proposition was not accepted by the Caliph. Meanwhile the intrigue had reached the ears of Hulagu. He was naturally greatly enraged, and ordered Kitubuka to march with 30,000 cavalry to forestall the traitor. This officer sent him word he wanted to concert common measures against Baghdad. He unwittingly went to his camp, whereupon Kitubuka arrested him, and told him if he wanted to save his life he must order his wife and son, and all his adherents and soldiers, to march out of the fortress, that a census of them might be taken for the poll tax. Husam ud din had to issue an order to this effect, and also to demolish his fortresses, after which he-was put to death with all his adherents. Only one of his towns escaped, viz., that governed by his son Said, who refused to surrender, and afterwards made his way to Baghdad, where he fell fighting. Hulagu now summoned the various contingents of his army to converge on the doomed city. Baichu was sent for from the borders of Rum, while Bulghai and the other princes, who then commanded contingents belonging to the other uluses, with Sanjak and Buka Timur, took the road from Shehrsor to Dakuka. Kitubuka Noyan, Kadsun, called Kurusun by Von Hammer, and Nerkilka, arrived from Luristan, Beiat, Takrit, and Khuzistan. Hulagu himself, leaving his family and greater baggage in the meadows of Zek, not far from Hamadan, in charge of Kaiak Noyan, advanced with the centre towards Kermanshahan and Holwan. He had with him the great amirs Kuka Ilka, Arkatu, Arghun-aka, the bitikchis Karatai and Seif ud din, his favorites the astronomer Hoja Nasir ud din, Alai ud din Ata Mulk (i.e., the historian, Juveni), as well as all the sultans, kings, and secretaries of Iran. He passed by way of Asadabad, a small town seven parasangs from Hamadan, which still exists, and is mentioned by Kerr Porter. Thence he sent a fresh message to the Caliph, who only replied by evasions. When the army reached Dinawar, twenty parasangs north-west of Hamadan, Ibn Juzi came with fresh threats from the Caliph in case Hulagu did not retire; but he replied that, having come so far, he could not go back without having an audience of the Caliph, and that after conferring with him and receiving his orders, he could then retire. Hulagu marched through the Kurdish mountains (Kuh-Girdaa), captured Kermanshahan and pillaged other places on the route. At Tak Kesra he was joined by Sunjak, Baichu, and Simtai, with whom he held a consultation ; and we read how, after leaving him, the Mongol officers consulted the burnt shoulder-blades of sheep which were used by them in divination. We must here make a short digression, to bring up the story of the Mongol doings in Rum to this point. We have seen how Rum was divided between the two brothers, Iz ud din (Izz-al-din Kay-Kawus II) and Rokn ud din (Rukn-al-din Kilij-Arslan IV). Izz-al-din was very suspicious of Baichu, and we are told, began to collect some forces, and sent a messenger to Malatia and Khartabert, or Saida, to bring together a contingent of Kurds, Turkmen, and Arabs. Two Kurdish chiefs, named Sherif ud din Ahmed ibn Bilas, from Al Hakkar, and Sherif ud din Muhammad ibn Al Sheikh Adi, from Mosul, came to him, and he appointed the former governor of Malatia and the latter of Khartabert. The Malatians having sworn allegiance to Rukn-al-din, refused to receive the Kurdish chief, and as he besieged the place, until great want prevailed there, they attacked him and killed 300 of his followers. He himself withdrew through the district of Klaudia, and burnt the monasteries of Madhik and Mar Asia, and plundered that district and Cuba. He then went on towards Amid, where he was attacked and killed by the governor of Mayafarkin. The other Kurdish chief was on his way to join Izz-al-din when he was attacked and killed by the Noyan Augurg. Izz-al-din now nominated Ali Behadur as governor of Malatia. He was small of stature but of great vigor, and speedily reduced the neighborhood to order, and severely punished the Turkmen who infested the neighboring mountains and continually harried the country round. Malatia had, however, been assigned to Rukn-al-din in the partition already named, and Baichu marched from Bithynia, with his Mongols who were scattered in Cappadocia and Galatia, to secure it for him. He first attacked Abulestin, which he captured, killed 7,000 people, and carried off the boys and girls into captivity. When he approached Malatia, All Behadur, its governor, fled. The citizens then surrendered the place. He made them swear allegiance to Rukn-al-din and pay a fine. Fakhr ud din Ayaz was appointed its governor. It would seem from Guiragos that Haithon, the King of Little Armenia, took part in this campaign of Baichu's. The latter afterwards sent him with an escort to Sis, his capital On the departure of Baichu, All' Behadur again obtained possession of Malatia, after a siege in which the inhabitants were reduced to great want. He put to death Rukn-al-din's deputy and some of his supporters, and presently, fearing the return of the Mongols, again abandoned the place. Baichu meanwhile advanced upon Mosul, where he arrived in the beginning of 1258. Malik Salih, son of Bedr ud din Lulu, Prince of Mosul, who was an ally of the Mongols, had recently returned from visiting Hulagu, and had married a daughter of the Khwarizm Shah, Jalal ud din. According to Minhaj-i-Saraj, both he and the ruler of Fars had furnished a contingent to the Mongols for the campaign. The people of the country round sought refuge in the town at Baichu's approach, but he loft again without doing them any harm.t He crossed the Tigris and joined Hulagu as I have mentioned. The advance guard of the Caliph troops which was stationed at Yakuba, or Bakuba, was commanded by a Turk from Kipchak, called Kara Sonkor (i.e., black falcon), while in the Mongol army there was a Khwarizm Turk named Sultan Juk. The latter now wrote to his compatriot, counseling him if he wished to save his family, to do as he had done, viz., to submit to the Mongols, who had treated him well Kara Sonkor, in reply, vaunted the long history and prosperity of the Abbassidan House, and having denounced the threatened advance of Hulagu, offered complacently to ask the Dawadar to obtain the Caliphs pardon for him if he would retrace his steps and be penitent.* Hulagu laughed when this letter was read to him, and, according to Rashid, replied in poetry : In my eye the ant, the fly, and the
elephant an alike indifferent; Abulfaraj apparently refers this incident to Eibeg al Halebi, an envoy of the Khali f him self, t Hulagu sent a fresh demand for the Caliph's submission, and orders for him to send the Vizier, Suliman Shah, and the Dawadar to him to arrange terms. If he was determined to resist, however, he bade him prepare for war, and the next day he pitched his camp on the River Holwan, where he remained for thirteen days, while the Amir Kitubuka conquered the greater part of Luristan. Meanwhile, Baichu Noyan, Buka Timur, and Sunjak crossed the Tigris. Bedr ud din, Prince of Mosul, had supplied Baichu with a bridge of boats, which he put on that river at Takrit. The people of Takrit sallied out and burnt it, and killed some of the invaders. The " next day, however, they repaired the bridge, and crossed over to the west bank of the Tigris, and pushed on towards Kufah, Hillah, and Karkh, and martyred the people. § Elsewhere we read that Baichu, with Buka Timur and Sunjak, went to encamp on the Nahr Isa, or the canal of Isa. Sunjak took command of the advance guard of this division, and speedily arrived at Harbieh. The inhabitants of the district of the Little Tigris (Dojeil), of El Ishaki, and the canals of Malik and Isa fled precipitately, and freely gave the boatmen bracelets, brocaded robes, or large sums of money to transport them in safety to Baghdad. When the Dawadar and the general Fath ud din Ibn Korer (Minhaj-i-Saraj says Ghiyath ud din's son, Izz-al-din), who were posted between Yakuba and Besheriyeh, on the way to Holwan, learned that the Mongols had thus approached Baghdad on the western bank of the Tigris, they also crossed that river. Minhaj-i-Saraj says they summoned the men of Karkh and other towns to assist them. The forces of the Caliph were chiefly infantry, and sustained the attack bravely, and killed many Mongols.)) Elsewhere we read that the Caliph's officers fought
the Mongols under
Sunjak, near Anbar, before the Koshk Mansur, above
Madrikah or Mezzrikah, on the east bank of the Euphrates,
about nine parasangs from Baghdad. Wassaf merely says the
fight took place near the Dojeil, or Little Tigris.
Abulfaraj says the struggle took place at the tomb of
Ahmed-IT It was fought on the 9th Muharrem, 656 (i.e.,
the i6th January, 1258).' The Mongols were defeated, or
perhaps merely pursued their usual Fabian tactics, and
having made a detour joined their main army under Baichu
at Besheriyeh.* The Dawadar wrote to his master tone 11
him he would complete the victory next day, and
exterminate the enemy. Meanwhile a discussion arose
between the Caliphs two principal officers. Path ud dih,
who was a skilful soldier and feared some stratagem,
counseled delay ; while his civilian companion, the
Dawadar, urged an immediate pursuit, while the enemy was
distracted Fath ud din allowed his judgment to be
overborne by his imprudent friend. The Mongols having
reached the Dojeil turned about, and a second and more
terrible struggle followed, to which an end was put by
the darkness, when each army bivouacked on its own
ground. In this struggle Fath ud din had ordered the feet
of the mule on which he rode to be shackled with iron
splints, so that he could not well escape, t
Minhaj-i-Saraj says that "near the battle-field was
a piece of water, called the Nahr i Sher, which was
connected with the Euphrates, and the land through which
it flowed was elevated, while the Mussulmans were
encamped on the low ground. During that night the
accursed rafisi Vizier dispatched a body of men and
turned the water of the canal on the Mussulmans, and the
whole was flooded with water, and their arms and amour
were spoiled, and they became quite powerless. Next
morning at dawn the infidels returned, and another battle
ensued." The Caliphs people were defeated and driven
across the Little Tigris, and posted themselves where the
great Sanjari mosque and kazr (castle) was situated.§
Wassaf, Rashid ud din, and Abulfaraj, who wrote under the
shadow of the Mongol rulers, do not suggest the breaking
of the dykes as the work of the Vizier, which is indeed
most improbable. With these authors it was the Mongols
themselves who cut the dykes, so that the plain behind
the Caliphs army was flooded. They then attacked and
routed the latter. Fath ud din and Kara Sonkor, with
12,000 men, were killed, without counting those who were
drowned and smothered in the mud. The Dawadar reached
Baghdad again -with only a few—one account says
three—persons. Others found refuge at Hillah and
Kufah. Meanwhile Hulagu, leaving his baggage at Khanekin,
pitched his tent to the east of the city. This was on the
nth Muharrem (i.e., the 18th of January, 1258). He
planted himself opposite the gate Ajami. The Noyan Kuka
Ilka, with the two princes Tutar and.Kuli, of the Golden
Horde, faced the Kalwaza gate, while the princes Bulghai,
Tutar, Aroktu, and Shiramun posted themselves opposite
the gateway of the Suk-i-Sultan («>., the Sultan's
market-place). Meanwhile, on the western bank of the
river, Buka Timor was on the side of the citadel, near
Dulabi-Bakul (Abulfaraj says near the kitchen garden),
and Baichu and Sunjak were on the west, where the Uzdi
hospital (called Adad by Quatremere) was situated
(Abulfeda says in Karia, near the Sultan's palace).* In the morning we dwelt in a house like
paradise or heaven, On the 20th of February, we are told, he was put to death in the village of Wakhf, with his eldest son and five eunuchs who remained faithfully with him. The mode of his execution is not stated by Rashid ud din, and, Quatremere suggests, it was in fact probably kept secret. The Georgian Chronicle tells us that on being brought into the presence of Hulagu, the Caliph was ordered to bend the knee. This he refused, and remained standing, saying: "I am an independent sovereign, who am dependent on no one. If you choose to set me free I will submit to you; if not I will die before becoming any man's slave." To make him stoop they tripped him up by the foot, so tha he fell on his face. As he remained obstinate, Hulagu told Ilka Noyan to take him out and kill him and his sons. "The Khan pities you," that officer said to him. “Does he propose then to restore me Baghdad f " No," said Ilka, "but he will kill you with his own hand, while his son Abaka will perform the same office for your relatives." "If I am to die," he replied, " it matters little whether it be a man or a dog who kills me."§ Wassaf and Novairi say he was rolled up in carpets and then trodden under by horses so that his blood should not be spilt. This was in accordance with the Yassa of Genghis presence, he asked the Caliph, "Are you God or man?" The latter replied, “I am a man, the servant of God." “Did God order you," said the Mongol chief, "to treat me with contumely, to call me a dog, and to refuse me, the dog of God, something to eat and drink? Verily, I am the dog of God, and I am very hungry, and will devour you." He then killed him with his own hand, telling him it was as a special honor he did so, instead of remitting the work to another. He ordered his son to similarly kill a son of the Caliph, and to throw a second one into the Tigris. He afterwards put to death many of the grandees, while his men for forty days continued a horrible butchery of men, women, and children. Tokuz Khatun, Hulagu’s Christian wife, redeemed the lives of the Nestorian and other Christians. Another and much more romantic story is told by Nikby and Mirkhond. They tell us that when the Caliph presented his treasures to Hulagu the former put him before a trencher covered with gold pieces and bade him eat. "I cannot eat gold," was the reply. "Why then have you hoarded it instead of giving it to your troops? Why have you not converted these iron gates into arrow points and advanced to the Jihun to prevent my crossing it. The Caliph replied that it was the will of God. " What will happen to you is also the will of God," was the grim answer. A similar story is told in his inimitable language by Joinville, who calls Hulagu the Lord of the Tartars, and speaks of the Caliph as the apostle of the Saracens. He says the former insisted on the Caliph entering into matrimonial relations with him, that when he consented he urged him to send forty of his principal people to attest the marriage, and afterwards forty of his richest men, and that, having thus secured the leading people in Baghdad, he made sure of overwhelming the place. He goes on to say : " Pour couvrir sa desloiaute1 et pour geter le blasme, sur le Calife de la prise de la ville que il avail fete, il fist prenre le Calife et le fist mettre en une cage de fer, et- le fist jeuner tant comme Pen peust faire home sanz mourir, et puis li manda, se il avait fain. Et le Calife dit que oyl; car ce n'estoit pas merveille. Lors le fist aporter le roy des Tartarins, un grand taillouer d'or, charge1 de joyaus a pierres precieuses et li dit ' Cognois tu ces joiaus ? Et le Calife respond! que oyl,' il hirer*t miens. 'Et il li demanda si les amaii bien, et il respond! que oyl.' Puisqne tu les amoies tant, fut le roy des Tartarins, or pren de celle part que tu vourras et manju. 'Le Calife li respond! que il ne pourrait; car ce n'estoit, pas viande que Fen peust manger. Lors li dit le roy des Tartarins. Or peus veoir, 6 Calife, ta dtfaute ; car se tu eusses donne ton tresor d'or, tu te feusses bien deffendu a nous par ton trdsor se tu Peusse despendu, qui au plus grant besoing te faut que tu eusses onques."J This is much like the report of the Armenian historian, Malakia, who says that Hulagu ordered him to be imprisoned for three days without food or drink. He then summoned him and asked him what he needed- The Caliph denounced his inhumanity, and said he had lived three days at the bottom of a pit. He had boasted to his people before the siege how he would put Muhammad on his standard and disperse the enemy. Hulagu then sent for a salver with some gold coin on it and bade him eat it, and thus satisfy his hunger. The Caliph replied that 'one cannot support life on gold, but needs-bread and meat and wine." "Why, then, did you not send me a lordly present of gold so that I have spared your city and not captured you, instead of spending your time in eating and drinking," and he had him trodden under foot. The Caliphs death took place on the 2ist of February, 1258. His tragical end forms one of those grim episodes which Longfellow delighted to pat into verse. He makes Hulagu address the avaricious Caliph" thus : I said to the Caliph, " Thou art
old, On the morrow after the Caliphs death all his
attendants were killed, as well as nearly all of the
family of the Abbasids, except some obscure individuals,
and Mubarak Shah, the Caliphs youngest son, who was
spared at the request of Hulagu’s wife, Oljai
Khatun. She sent him to Meragha, to the Hoja Nasir ud
din. He afterwards married a Mongol woman by whom he had
two sons. Minhaj-i-Saraj reports that a daughter of the
Caliph was also spared, who, with some females from his
harem and some rarities from his treasure, were set aside
to be presented to the Khakan Mangu, and were dispatched
towards Turkestan. Other things were sent to Bereke, the
Khan of the Golden Horde, who refused to accept them, an'
according to this author, put the messengers who took
them to death, thus causing enmity between him and
Hulagu. When the booty meant for Mangu Khan reached
Samarkand, the daughter of the Caliph asked leave to
visit the tomb of Kusam, son of Abbas, in that city. He
had accompanied Said, the son of the Caliph Osman, who
had been sent to Mavera un Nehr with an army, and had
died and been buried at Samarkand. There she performed
the customary rites, made a prayer of two genuflexions,
and said, " O God, if this Kusam, son of Abbas, my
ancestor, hath honor in Thy presence, take this Thy
servant to Thyself, and deliver her out of the hands of
these strange men," whereupon she died.} Muayid ud din Alkamiyi retained his post as Vizier, the reward doubtless of his dubious loyalty. Fakhr ud din Dameghani was made Sahib-divan, or chief of the administration. Ali Behadur, who was the first to enter the city when assayed, was given control of the merchants and artisans, with the title of Shahnah (i.e., governor), Imad ud din Omar Kazvini, deputy of the Amir Karatai, caused the mosque of the Caliph and the Meshed of Muza Jewad to be rebuilt. Nejm ud din Ibn-Abu Jafar Ahmed Amran, who was entitled Vizier-rast-dil (the sincere Vizier), was given command of the districts east of Baghdad, including the country towards Khorasan, Khales, and Bendinjein. Nizam ud din Abd ul Mumin Bendinjein was made Kadhi of the Kadhis, or chief judge. Ilka Noyan and Kara buka, with 3,000 Mongol horsemen, were sent into the city to restore order, and rebuild the houses. The bazaars were rebuilt, and the corpses of men and animals removed. The devastation must have been dreadful, and when Wassaf visited the place sixty years later not a tenth part of the old city remained. Master of the city, Hulagu proposed this question to the Doctors of the Law there: "Who is to be preferred, a just, unbelieving ruler, or a Mussulman ruler, who is unjust?" The Ulemas, who had assembled in the college of Mostansir to deliver their fatwa, or decision, on this question, hesitated to reply, when a famous doctor, called Razi ud din Ali Ibn Tavus, took the paper and wrote the words, " The infidel who is just is preferable to an unjust Mussulman," and his example was followed by the rest.} Hulagu having left Baghdad, encamped near the tomb of the Sheikh Makarem, and afterwards marched by easy stages to rejoin, his ordu in the town of Khanekin.§ During the siege of Baghdad, some of the chief people
of Hillah, where the Sayids or descendants of Ali were
influential, sent an embassy to Hulagu with their
submission, and stating that it was a tradition among
them derived from their ancestors, Ali and the twelve
Imams, that he (Hulagu) would become the master of that
district (i.e., of Irak Arab). Hulagu thereupon
dispatched Buklah, or Tuklah, and the Amir Bijel-
Nakhchivani (called Alai ud din by Wassaf and Ali by Von
Hammer), and eventually Buka Timur. brother of his wife
Oljai Khatun, to secure the towns of Hillah, Kuf'a, and
Vassit The people of Hillah put a bridge on the
Euphrates, and went to meet him gladly. He therefore
passed on towards Vassit, where he arrived seven days
later, and where he was resisted. He speedily captured
the place and slaughtered its male inhabitants. Buka
Timur now advanced towards Khuzistan, taking with him
Sherif ud din ibn Juzi. He captured Shuster, where the
soldiery were put to death, while Basrah and other places
submitted willingly. Meanwhile Seif ud din, the bitkichi,
with the approval of Hulagu, sent a body of one hundred
Mongols to protect the tomb of Ali at Nejef. Buka Timur
rejoined his master on the 12th of Rabi the First (i.e.,
the 19th of March). When Hulagu marched against Baghdad
he dispatched Arkatu (called Oroktu by Von Hammer and
D'Ohsson) to attack the fortress of Arbil or Arbela,
whose fame dates back at least to the time of Alexander
the Great. Rashid says it had not its equal in the world.
It was situated between the Greater and Lesser Zab, two
days' journey from Mosul. It owed its chief importance to
the Turkmen chief, Kukebusi ibn Abul Hasan All, entitled
Malik Moaasem Muzaffer ud din, who had died about
twenty-eight years before. He was famous for his
beneficence, and made Arbil one of the finest towns of
the Persian Irak. He founded several institutions there,
such as had not been patronized by Islam before—a
foundling hospital, an institution for wet nurses and for
suckling babes, a house for widows, a common hospital, a
special hospital for the blind, a caravanserai, in which
travelers were not only provided during their stay, but
had the expenses of their further journey defrayed ; a
sort of monastery (probably for dervishes), a madrasah,
ao school, in which both the Hanifi and Shafi rites were
taught: and, lastly, a mosque, where the birth of the
Prophet was annually celebrated with great pomp. During
this feast visitors, preachers, orators, poets, Koran
readers, and sofis flocked thither from the surrounding
towns A month before, twenty dome-shaped buildings of
three storeys high, and made of boards, were erected
between the monastery and mosque. From their galleries
poets and orators addressed the crowd, while others
exhibited magic lanterns. Muzaffer ud din himself
repaired to one of these buildings for the mid-day
prayer, spent the night in the monastery with the dervishes, and in the
morning went out hunting. At the birth-feast itself, a
great number of camels, cattle, and sheep were taken to
the square, and there killed and cooked amid music. At
night the town was illuminated and in the morning the
guests sat down at two tables—one for the more
distinguished, the other for the crowd. The Dervishes danced, and
prayers were sung from the minarets, while dancers and
singers were rewarded with alms. Such was Arbil; the town
itself was situated on a plain, and its castle on an
isolated hill close by. The Vizier, Taj ud din ibn
Salaia, who apparently governed it, went to his camp.
Arkatu said he would believe in his sincerity when the
town had submitted, but the Kurdish garrison refused to
surrender it. He was thereupon sent on to Hulagu, and was
put to death. The garrison meanwhile resisted the Mongol
attack bravely. They made a sortie, and destroyed their
siege apparatus and killed many of their men. Bedr ud din
Lulu, the Prince of Mosul, who had sent a contingent of
troops to help the Mongols, was asked his advice as to
what should be done. He counseled the abandonment of the
siege till the summer, when the Kurds would seek shelter
from the heat in the mountains. The siege was confided to
him. He captured it in the summer, and it was made over
to him. Bar Hebraeus says Lulu bought the town and its
contents from the Mongols for 70,000 dinars, but his
people were not long in possession of it, and the unruly
Kurds there speedily gained the upper hand, and a Kurdish
amir, named Sherif ud din Jelali, drove out the garrison,
and secured the place, but having shortly after marched
with a Tartar army against some rebels at Gulmeragi, Bedr
ud din sent some Kurds, who assassinated him while
sleeping in his tent A Christian called Muktez, the
brother of a famous doctor of Arbil, named Saphi
Solimani, now secured the place, and on his death was
succeeded by his son, Taj ud din Isa, a good and faithful
person." § 65. Hulagu And The Fall Of Baghdad. From Jurji Zaydan's History Of Islamic CivilizationThe cause of this was that the rivalry between the Sunnis and Shi'ites in Baghdad broke out afresh at the end of the 'Abbasid dynasty, and not a year passed without the occurrence of a battle between the two factions calling for the interference of the Government. And since the Government was Sunni, the pressure ordinarily fell on the Shi'ites, who dwelt together in Karkh, having to endure persecution. Meanwhile the Government continued to entrust members of the faction with important offices, even of an administrative character. The Caliph of Hulagu's time, Al-Musta'sim, appointed in 640, was a weak man, and took for his vizier a Shi'ite named Mu'ayyid al-din Ibn al-'Alkami, a crafty and astute individual. One of the ordinary disputes taking place between the two factions, a son of the Caliph named Abu Bakr, who was a fanatical hater of the Shi'ites, called in the aid of the commander of the forces (called the Dawadar), and ordered an attack to be made on the Shi’ites; an assault was then made on Karkh, when many women were outraged. The Vizier Ibn al-'Alkami, indignant at this and unable to restrain his wrath, wrote privately to Hulagu, tempting him with the prize of Baghdad, and sent his brother to urge him to attack the metropolis. Hulagu accordingly brought a great army against Baghdad. Musta'sim, hearing of this, sent against Hulagu under the Dawadar such forces as remained in Baghdad, not exceeding 20,000 men. The two armies met at two stages distance from Baghdad, and the army of the Caliph was defeated and dispersed. Hulagu then advanced till he encamped on the eastern bank of Baghdad, and sent one of his captains to encamp on the west bank opposite the Caliph's palace. Musta'sim, having no idea of the schemes of Ibn al-'Alkami, sent him to make an inquiry concerning terms of peace with Hulagu, and Ibn al-'Alkami brought his schemes to a head by replying that Hulagu meant to leave the Caliphate to Musta'sim and give his daughter to the Caliph's son Abu Bakr. The Caliph thereupon went out to Hulagu with a number of his chief men; these were all bidden to remain in a tent. The vizier then demanded that all the jurists and notables of Baghdad should be gathered there, and when they appeared Hulagu ordered them to be slain. They then let the soldiers loose in Baghdad, attacked the Caliph's palace, and slew all the nobility to be found there, except infants, whom they took and placed with the other prisoners and captives. For forty days Baghdad was pillaged, and then an amnesty was proclaimed. The year in which Hulagu took Baghdad was 656. The 'Abbasid Caliph thus departed from 'Irak through the machinations of the 'Alid faction, as Mansur, Mahdi, and Rashid had feared, who for fear of such a catastrophe had overthrown their viziers and commanders. The 'Abbasid Caliphate was not completely extinguished, as those members of the imperial family who escaped from Hulagu's massacre migrated to Egypt, where they lived under the protection of the Mamluk Sultans. After Hulagu had taken
the capital of the Islamic world he aspired to conquer
the regions beyond, and attacked Syria, which was under
the protection of the Mamluk Sultans after the fall of
the Ayyubid dynasty. They succeeded in repelling him,
and he had to be satisfied with what was already in his
grasp. His empire indeed extended from Syria to India; he
left it to his children, but before a century had passed
over it his dynasty terminated (654-750). It split into
small principalities, which were in a disturbed and
decayed condition till they were subdued by Tamerlane. |
|